‘Change Stones With Books’: Samik Bhattacharya’s Debut Speech Alerts BJP’s Tactical Shift In Bengal
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A more in-depth studying of his speech reveals that Bhattacharya invoked Bengal’s complicated historical past, which incorporates a number of main riots each earlier than and after independence.
BJP chief Ravi Shankar Prasad with newly elected BJP West Bengal President Samik Bhattacharya throughout felicitation ceremony at Science Metropolis, in Kolkata. (Picture: X/SamikBJP)
In a transparent departure from the hardline, polarised politics which have characterised West Bengal in recent times, newly elected BJP state Chief Samik Bhattacharya, in his debut speech earlier than social gathering employees on Thursday, acknowledged that Muslims within the state want to know that the Bharatiya Janata Celebration (BJP) has by no means been in opposition to them.
“The BJP desires to exchange stones with books and swords with pens within the palms of Muslim youth,” Bhattacharya mentioned, emphasising that Muslim youth have been used merely as a vote financial institution by Mamata Banerjee over the previous one and a half many years.
This assertion is being seen as a serious political shift for the BJP in West Bengal, particularly with the essential 2026 Meeting elections approaching. Political circles within the state, lengthy accustomed to intensely polarised politics spearheaded by Chief of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari, have taken be aware. Adhikari has, on a number of events, publicly acknowledged, “We don’t need a single Muslim vote to win West Bengal.”
This raises the query: is Samik Bhattacharya shifting away from the BJP’s core ideology? The reply seems to be no.
A more in-depth studying of his speech reveals that Bhattacharya invoked Bengal’s complicated historical past, which incorporates a number of main riots each earlier than and after independence. He referred to the Nice Calcutta Killings of 1946 and the trauma endured by folks in Murshidabad, Nadia, and Malda when, through the drawing of the Radcliffe Line, these districts have been initially assigned to present-day Bangladesh. It was solely after robust persuasion led by Bengal leaders, together with Syama Prasad Mookerjee, that they grew to become a part of unbiased India.
Bhattacharya additionally referenced current incidents in Bangladesh, the place Hindu minorities have been attacked, girls have been raped, and properties burned — subtly reinforcing the concept of defending minorities in a fashion that aligns with the BJP’s core ideological framework.
Nevertheless, political analysts observe that Bhattacharya appears to recognise the constraints of utmost polarisation. His tone suggests a tactical shift: as an alternative of consolidating Muslim voters in opposition to the BJP, the social gathering may attain out to these amongst them who’re fascinated with improvement and socio-economic upliftment — a method that would profit the BJP in 2026.
Because of this Bhattacharya emphasised Bengal’s secular and pluralistic legacy, interesting to the Bengali educated center class, who’ve traditionally believed in pluralism. He even mentioned he envisions a Bengal the place Durga Puja immersion rallies and Muharram processions are co-organised with out battle or communal rigidity, as has been the case for a few years within the state.
Apparently, Bhattacharya didn’t use the slogan “Jai Shri Ram.” As a substitute, he invoked deities with whom Bengalis as a complete culturally establish — Maa Durga, Maa Kali, and Prabhu Jagannath.
On the identical time, Bhattacharya shifted the blame for the rise in polarised politics onto Mamata Banerjee, accusing her of dividing Bengalis for political acquire. Analysts say he has successfully set the early narrative for the 2026 Meeting elections.
What Is The Narrative?
For the primary time, a senior BJP chief in Bengal is talking about “Bengal’s asmita” — Bengali pleasure. Bhattacharya started his deal with by referencing Bengal’s superb financial contribution earlier than British rule, when undivided Bengal accounted for 40 per cent of India’s GDP, a determine that has now dwindled to eight per cent.
Thus, the narrative he’s making an attempt to construct for 2026 focuses on industrialisation vs corruption, democracy vs autocracy, and peace vs violence.
Political watchers be aware that till now, the BJP’s narrative in Bengal largely targeted on exposing the corruption of the Trinamool Congress, with little readability on what the social gathering provided instead. Bhattacharya sought to deal with that hole at this time, stating that in 2026, the BJP goals to supply a governance mannequin constructed on the ideas of “good governance,” as demonstrated beneath Prime Minister Narendra Modi in BJP-ruled states.
Understanding that the BJP lacks a robust face to counter Mamata Banerjee, Bhattacharya additionally tackled this difficulty straight. He argued that Banerjee’s once-iconic picture as a logo of honesty has collapsed beneath the load of a number of corruption allegations, claiming the TMC can now not painting her as an icon of integrity.
In a strategic transfer, Bhattacharya reached out to different opposition events — notably the Left and the Congress — urging them to not not directly help the TMC within the title of “No Vote to BJP” campaigns. As a substitute, he known as on them to combat independently to take away Mamata Banerjee from energy in 2026, assuring them that after the TMC is defeated, there will likely be house for a wholesome opposition — a departure from the governance types of each the Left and TMC, which have been usually accused of stifling opposition voices.
With this speech, Bhattacharya seems to be reaching throughout non secular strains, aiming to enchantment to the Bhadralok Bengali, who has traditionally considered the BJP as “untouchable” or culturally alien to Bengal.
It’s usually mentioned in Bengal politics that with out the help of the Bengali Bhadralok, no political change is feasible. This was true in 1977 through the Left’s rise, and once more in 2011 when Mamata Banerjee got here to energy. Bhattacharya, clearly conscious of this historical past, is now attempting to achieve out to the educated center class by shifting the narrative from Hindu vs. Muslim to governance vs. non-governance.
That’s the reason he made repeated references to Bengali literature, tradition, and stalwarts like Syed Wajid Ali — symbols nonetheless deeply revered by Bengal’s educated center class.
Kamalika Sengupta, Editor, Digital East of News18, is a multilingual journalist with 16 years of expertise in overlaying the northeast, with specialisation in politics and defence. She has received UNICEF Laadli Awar…Learn Extra
Kamalika Sengupta, Editor, Digital East of News18, is a multilingual journalist with 16 years of expertise in overlaying the northeast, with specialisation in politics and defence. She has received UNICEF Laadli Awar… Learn Extra
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